shocking report investigation |
Massacre Files from Syria
Top-secret documents tie Bashar regime to mass
annihilation.
Selected from a shocking report investigation published by New Yorker
The investigation starts narrating the continuous brave triers
inside Syria, to collect several documents of torturing and brutal executions
inside Bashar administration and his direct ties on them.
Part Two
In the past four years, people working for the
organization have smuggled more than six hundred thousand government documents
out of Syria, many of them from top-secret intelligence facilities. The
documents are brought to the group’s headquarters, in a nondescript office
building in Western Europe, sometimes under diplomatic cover. There, each page
is scanned, assigned a bar code and a number, and stored underground. A
dehumidifier hums inside the evidence room; just outside, a small box dispenses
rat poison.
Upstairs, in a room secured by a metal door,
detailed maps of Syrian villages cover the walls, and the roles of various
suspects in the Syrian government are listed on a whiteboard. Witness
statements and translated documents fill dozens of binders, which are locked in
a fireproof safe at night. Engels, who is forty-one, bald and athletic, with a
precise, discreet manner, oversees the operation; analysts and translators
report directly to him.
The commission’s work
recently culminated in a four-hundred-page legal brief that links the
systematic torture and murder of tens of thousands of Syrians to a written
policy approved by President Bashar al-Assad, coordinated among his
security-intelligence agencies, and implemented by regime operatives, who
reported the successes of their campaign to their superiors in Damascus. The
brief narrates daily events in Syria through the eyes of Assad and his
associates and their victims, and offers a record of state-sponsored torture
that is almost unimaginable in its scope and its cruelty. Such acts had been
reported by survivors in Syria before, but they had never been traced back to
signed orders. Stephen Rapp, who led prosecution teams at the international
criminal tribunals in Rwanda and Sierra Leone before serving for six years as
the United States Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, told me that
the CIJA’s documentation “is much richer than anything I’ve seen, and
anything I’ve prosecuted in this area.”
The case is the first
international war-crimes investigation completed by an independent agency like
the CIJA, funded by governments but without a court mandate. The
organization’s founder, Bill Wiley, a Canadian war-crimes investigator who has
worked on several high-profile international tribunals, had grown frustrated
with the geopolitical red tape that often shapes the pursuit of justice.
Because the process of collecting evidence and organizing it into cases is
purely operational, he reasoned that it could be done before the political will
exists to prosecute the case.
Only the U.N. Security
Council can refer the crisis in Syria to the International Criminal Court; in
May, 2014, Russia and China blocked a draft resolution that would have granted
the court jurisdiction over war crimes committed by all sides of the conflict.
Nevertheless, Wiley told me, the commission has also identified a number of
“quite serious perpetrators, drawn from the security-intelligence services,”
who have entered Europe. “The CIJA is very much committed to assisting
domestic authorities with prosecutions.”
Counting Syria’s dead
has become nearly impossible—the U.N. stopped trying more than two years
ago—but groups monitoring the conflict have estimated the number to be almost
half a million, with the pace of killing accelerating each year. The war has
emptied out the country, with some five million Syrians escaping to neighboring
countries and to Europe, straining the capacities of even those countries which
are willing to provide asylum and humanitarian aid. The chaos has also played a
fundamental role in the rise of ISIS, the bloodiest of the jihadi groups that have
used Syria as a staging ground to expand the reach of terrorism.
Last fall, Wiley invited
me to examine the commission’s case at its headquarters, on the condition that
I not reveal the office’s location, the governments assisting with document
extraction, or, with few exceptions, the names of his staff.
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